By Adolfo Quizon Paglinawan

 

Part 9: An old order gives way to a new one, reshaping local politics 

Set to face mandatory retirement in July, General Romeo Brawner Jr. told the Western Command the occasion may be his last visit to Wescom as Armed Forces of the Philippines Chief of Staff.

His sentimental note to the troops who had no choice but to listen, turned into self-serving propaganda justifying the cowardice with which he conducted himself when faced with the Constitutional duty to protect the people and the State, thus missing a sterling opportunity to prove his upperclassman miztah Marine General Orlando de Leon’s accusation wrong.

Brawner actually pulled wool over the soldier’s eyes by asserting under his leadership, the AFP faced major challenges, including what he described as attempts to sway the military away from its constitutional duties.

Quoting his very words, “The real test came when, in the political environment that we are now facing, our loyalty was tested by people who wanted us to launch a coup d’etat or to take over the government through a junta.”

While there indeed was a percolating coup attempt, he did not identify it as coming from those who wanted to seat Defense Secretary Gilbert Teodoro as chairman of a civilian-military junta, whose only mandate I assume is perpetuating the American presence in this country.

On the other hand, the majority of the Filipinos today are one with the United Peoples Initiative led by his namesake retired Air Force Major General Romeo  Poquiz, in not wanting to topple the government for the sitting president to resign to give way to a constitutional transition that mandates the duly-elected vice-president to take over.

Article II, Section 1 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution unequivocally declares that the Philippines is a democratic and republican State, a government founded on the sovereignty of the people and dedicated solely to the public interest.   

Article II Section 3 provides that the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is the protector of the people and the State. It mandates that the AFP’s goal is to secure the sovereignty of the State and the integrity of the national territory.

To summarize:

• The people is the absolute sovereign, not the president.
• That sovereignty entails the “sole” protection of the peoples’ interest, not the president malevolence and crimes.
• The “integrity of the national territory” is not confined to the defense of mere space but to the overall welfare of the people.
• The AFP is the protector of the people, not the president.

Therefore, he is a total idiot when he lectures his troops about constitutional duties. UPI advocates for a withdrawal of support by the AFP from Marcos.

Brawner is even a legal ignoramus because he misrepresents withdrawal of support as sedition, and has even influenced the filing of criminal charges against Poquiz.

A historic precedence has established when AFPCoS General Angelo Reyes withdrew the support of the Armed Forces from President Erap Estrada in 2001 leading to his constructive resignation and his replacement by the duly-eled vice president Gloria Arroyo.

The Supreme Court affirmed the constitutionality of presidential succession and all precedent events leading to it.

Brawner continues to validate his divergent position: “…they knew that we are here to serve…The oath that we took to defend our Constitution; to defend our country, we stood firm. We stood united, and we continued to be professional. So, I ask you to continue doing that because we, as our armed forces, we serve as that stabilizing factor to our country.”

• Arguably, soldiers are to serve, but as chief-of-staff he did not  defend the Constitution but frustrated it. By remaining in his armchair in the thick of conflict.
• That is not being professional, but having his heart in his mouth and shaking like a leaf in the face of adversity.
• Brawner’s being  an amateur ending up doing nothing for fear of making a mistake when confronted by challenge is precisely why for more than a year now, the government lingers in a hiatus of self-induced destabilization.
• In military terms, sloppy!

Brawner the politico

The chief of staff is also no political virgin.

In response to a reporter’s question last January 2025, Brawner Jr. disclosed that the AFP is conducting background checks on candidates for the May midterm elections.

The Manila Times, in an editorial, denounced this as unnecessary interference:

“When this election is finished, however, the government must carefully assess our framework of election safeguards and what has brought our electoral process to an uncomfortable place where the participation the military has become a necessity to ensure the election’s integrity. This is a situation that we believe is unique among democratic systems, and that is not a good thing.”

In April 2025, Brawner delivered his digs in classic foreign policy formulation as he instructed the Northern Luzon Command to prepare robust evacuation plans to rescue an estimated 250,000 Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in Taiwan in case of a potential invasion or conflict.

His unfortunate quotable quote went like this: “As members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, we should have that mentality that we are already at war (because) if something happens to Taiwan, inevitably we will be involved.”

Not only did this announcement preempted President Marcos Jr who is the chief architect of the country’s foreign policy, he usurped the civilian functions of the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Department of Migrant Workers and our Manila Economic and Cultural Office in Taipei.

Worse, the AFP chief of staff touched on a red-line issue in Philippine-China relations, dabbling in a conflict that the Chinese considers an internal matter.

Worst, later in the same year, his statements regarding the US Typhon missile system and, to a lesser extent, comments on 30-day self-defense readiness have faced criticism for allegedly infringing on or complicating Philippine foreign policy.

Rafael Tuvera, a practicing lawyer, and son of Presidential Executive Assistant to former Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Sr, Juan Tuvera and national author Kerima Polotan, took a minute from court duties, to argue that boasting about US weapons, “normalizes fatalism” and acts as a “careless remark” that could be interpreted as a provocation rather than genuine deterrence.

The US Typhon Weapon System is an offensive equipment that launches Tomahawk missiles that exceeds range of 1,500 kilometers and can be tipped with nuclear warheads.

Not only can it provoke any country within that radius to initiate a legitimate preemptive attack on the Philippines when threatened, under Article 51 of the UN Charter , but it violates two treaties we have with ASEAN on neutrality and non-nuclear proliferation.

Critics argue that Brawner’s statements regarding the Philippine military’s ability to defend the country for 30 days before US help arrives is a reckless, political statement that invites suicidal war rather than ensuring safety.

This strategy is viewed by some as aligning too closely with U.S. interests and prioritizing military bravado over civilian safety.

Indifference to corruption

Brawner has been also been accused of turning the AFP into a political tool by making it look the other way instead of validating the direct involvement of President Marcos Jr. in plunder and corruption.

His public statements have sometimes been interpreted as a “submission to political forces” rather than a neutral stance.

Hypocritically, the general has repeatedly urged troops to “shun political noise”, remain loyal to the Constitution and  professionalize the AFP, while critics view his public statements as becoming increasingly politicized and intertwined with the current administration’s survival.

There is no excuse for the military not to be the first to know and validate the damage to our national interest and national security dealt by the rapacious looting of our national coffers.

It  has access to more than Php 5 billion in intelligence funds. Besides this, the Department of Public Works and Highways assigned the AFP to check over 16,000 projects in total.

But Brawner preemptively threw cold water on the work saying “While the AFP can verify if a project physically exists, determining substandard construction remains under the expertise of DPWH engineers.”

Blue Ribbon Senator Panfilo Lacson, said Php 1.9 trillion were stolen from 2023 to 2025.

Out of about 10,000 inspected, the AFP fact-finding mission already reported 252 ghost projects. No expertise needed. The question merely is do they exist or not.

Yet still Brawner sees no evil, hears no evil and speaks no evil in his commander-in-chief.

Armed Forces “of the President”

The chief of staff’s exit to civilian life this July will be marked by his refusal to end his days in uniform as a faithful servant of the people but on the contrary his acceptance to graduate as the president’s errand boy and the American’s pitbull calf.

Brawner has officially rejected calls to withdraw support from President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.. While there have been reports of isolated dissent among active personnel and open calls for intervention from retired officers, the institutional military remains loyal to the chain of command.

What is unfortunate here is the buck stops in the present AFP Code of Conduct with the president as commander-in-chief. Obviously, this must be amended to rectify the table of organization as the Constitution mandates.

There is yet another step in the ladder that must added to show that the president is not the end all, be all of the command but is further the protector of the people who is the absolute sovereign.

Many of course, especially among the retired members of the general corps, do not expect Brawner to even be sensitive to this.

He has always been known to be a pencil pusher. Some contemporaries of his in the faculty of the Philippine Military Academy say he was even a bootlicker, and because many Brawners precede him in the uniform service, an influence peddler.

Brawner’s waterloo?

Or is it because of his distaff side?

Despite his PR handlers’ depiction of his wife Melody Mariele V. Brawner, as highly regarded and actively supported by the auxiliary organization and officer ladies’ clubs, there are disparaging rumors in Camp Aguinaldo’s dim corridors.

Military spouses affectionately describe her as “ChairMom” and a supportive mother figure who prioritizes family, even while supporting her husband’s military career.

She is said to be approachable and hasconceptualized the “Every Family Counts” behavioral health program, which focuses on the mental health, stress management, and emotional needs of Army spouses and families.

But as the saying goes that you cannot please everyone, and personnel who are afraid to come forward, complain about her alleged frequent cussing and treatment of soldiers and staff as if they were personal servants or “property.”

A claim that she even shouts at General Brawner whenever they fight within the hearing of staff members, has also circulated.

Her purportedly calling herself the “First Lady” of the AFP, has also not settled well among the rank-and-file.

While many soldiers are struggling, in photos that have allegedly gone public in social media, Mrs. Brawner is said to have flaunted expensive brands such as Hermes, Gucci, Prada, Valentino, expensive Jewelry and branded watches, and signature apparel.

Cowardice & Dessertion

Sometime back, his upperclassman in the Philippine Military Academy, Brig. Gen, Orlando de Leon, came out with this scathing indictment:

“I am officially calling General Romeo Brawner a COWARD (sic), who throws his soldiers and subordinates under the bus just to save his neck.

“Mr. Brawner, you don’t deserve your designation as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. In fact, you don’t deserve the respect of the whole soldiery. No wonder that you avoided hazardous duty all your life because you lack the wherewithal to lead, much less to uphold the morale of your troops.

“You are nothing but a bootlicking four-star disgrace.”

According to Ramon Farolan’s articles in Philippines Daily Inquirer, Brawner’s military roots came from his grandfather, Private Lisbon Brawner, an African-American soldier who served from the United States Army as part of the “Buffalo Soldiers” who served during the Philippine–American War.

“Buffalo” was a name given them by Apaches to black soldiers during the Indian Wars in the United States because “their hair was curly and kinky, much like the hair of the buffalo.”

An article in the Philippines Daily Inquirer said the private fell in love with Leonora Unaguing, a Filipina from Pangasinan, and deserted American forces that were pushing north in hot pursuit of General Aguinaldo.

Lisbon was eventually caught and court-martialed but was merely reprimanded and allowed to stay on. A few months later, he nevertheless decided to completely dessert from the US Army to follow his heart.

Three generations after, his great grandson Romeo Jr would be the first Fil-AfroAmerican to occupy the highest position in the Armed Forces of the Philippines, whose only legacy is reviving an old colonial master of his paternal ancestors to our archipelago, and stilting it with a corrupt Pinoy regime. #

Annexes

• Buffalo Soldiers

An Alamy collection entitled: “Company I, 24th Infantry regiment officers.”  No photographer credited, 1900.

Buffalo Soldiers originally were members of the US 10th Cavalry Regiment of the US Army.

This nickname was given to the “Negro Cavalry” by the Native American tribes they fought in the Indian Wars.

The term eventually became synonymous with all of the African American regiments formed in 1866: 9th Cavalry Regiment, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 24th Infantry Regiment, and 25th Infantry Regiment.

Although several African-American regiments were raised during the Civil War as part of the Union Army (including the 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry and the many United States Colored Troops Regiments), the “Buffalo Soldiers” were established by Congress as the first peacetime all-black regiments in the regular US Army.

• Mapping the US Military Footprint in the Philippines (2022-2025)

This analysis, based on data from IBON Economics, visualizes the expanding United States military presence within the Philippines under the framework of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). The period from 2022 to 2025 has seen a significant increase in designated sites and operational areas.

Key Categories of US Military Presence:

The map delineates several types of locations:

1. EDCA Sites (Agreed Locations): These are military bases where the US military has access to designated areas to build facilities, pre-position defense equipment, and rotate forces. The number of these sites has increased from the original five to nine.

2. Non-EDCA Sites: Existing Philippine bases where US military activities occur under other visiting forces agreements.

3. Prospective Sites: Locations under consideration for future EDCA designation or military use.

4. War Material Production Hubs: Industrial areas involved in the production or maintenance of military equipment.

5. Operational Areas: Designated zones for joint military exercises, training, and patrols.

6. Aircraft Landing Facilities: Airfields and airstrips utilized by US aircraft for transit and operations.

Strategic Implications:

This cartographic representation highlights a deliberate and strategic expansion of US military access across the Philippine archipelago. Key implications include:

· Enhanced Interoperability: The presence facilitates increased joint training and operational coordination between the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and US forces.

· Geographic Coverage: The distribution of sites provides strategic coverage facing potential flashpoints, including the Luzon Strait and the South China Sea (West Philippine Sea).

· Deterrence and Assurance: The US frames this presence as a commitment to its treaty alliance with the Philippines and a deterrent against regional coercion. The Philippine government supports it as a means to enhance its external defense capabilities.

· Geopolitical Tensions: The expansion is viewed critically by other regional powers, particularly China, which sees it as part of a US-led strategy to contain its influence.

Conclusion:

The map from IBON Economics provides a clear, visual testament to the deepening US-Philippine military alliance during this period. It underscores a significant shift in the regional security architecture, with the Philippines playing an increasingly central role in US force posture in the Indo-Pacific.

   

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