By Adolfo Quizon Paglinawan

 

Part 38: Where the Philippines seeks War, China sees Diplomacy

China’s new Ambassador to the Philippines is Jing Quan, who officially started his assignment in December 2025, succeeding Ambassador Huang Xilian, whose six-year tenure spanned the final years of the pro-China Duterte administration and the first half of President Marcos’s term, marked by a tougher stance on Beijing.

Beijing has tapped a senior diplomat and a veteran of US-China diplomacy signaling an effort to stabilize and boost China-Philippines relations through dialogue and cooperation, recalibrating ties with the Philippines amid Manila pretensions over the West Philippine Sea.

In his arrival statement, Jing said, “As ambassador, I will firmly safeguard national interests and dignity, while also playing a bridging role to stabilize rather than deteriorate China-Philippines relations, and to bring the people of both countries closer rather than drift apart. My task is arduous, but I am confident and look forward to everyone’s strong support”.

Brooking’s background

Jing hails from Hancheng, Shaanxi Province in China. He is married with one daughter. 

Over the past two decades, he has built a career navigating US-China relations through various posts in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the China Embassy in Washington.

Jing first came to Washington DC in 2004, serving as an officer in the embassy while a visiting fellow of the Brookings Institute. His working paper was entitled, “Crisis Management Between China and the United States”.

Brookings Institute is one of the oldest American think-tank, was founded in 1916 as the Institute for Government Research (IGR). It officially adopted the name “Brookings Institution” in 1927 after merging with two other organizations also established by businessman Robert S. Brookings. 

Brookings aims for objectivity but operates within the Washington D.C. policy space, often seen as a leading voice for mainstream, centrist, or center-left policy perspectives.

Understanding Jing, it is important to know that economists from the Brookings Institution played a large role in crafting the 1921 legislation that created the first US Bureau of the Budget.

Brookings experts would go on to play an important role during World War II, both with government mobilization during the conflict and management of the war’s aftermath.

Brookings expert Leo Pasvolsky helped create the blueprint for President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s dream of the United Nations. He also helped create the Marshall Plan the post-World War II initiative to provide financial aid to rehabilitate Western Europe.

Brookings governmental studies expert Laurin Henry is credited for publishing the report entitled Presidential Transitions one year before the presidential election of 1960. The report was designed to help the winning candidate John F. Kennedy launch his administration succeeding Dwight Eisenhower.

The institution would go on to influence United States government and public policy over the decades, including helping shape a new generation of urban policies in the 1990s and producing proposals for homeland security and intelligence operations in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001.

A number of Brookings experts were recruited to serve in the Biden administration in the early 2020s.

Seasoned diplomat

Before his Manila assignment, Jing was designated as Deputy Director-General in the Department of North American and Oceanian Affairs, from 2018 to 2021,

Jing returned to the US capital on December 2021, occupying the third-ranking diplomatic role of minister at the Chinese embassy in the US capital onto becoming deputy chief of mission. the second-in-command.

William Yang, senior analyst for Northeast Asia at the International Crisis Group, noted that Jing’s long experience in Washington makes him a seasoned negotiator.

“Jing was described by observers and insiders as ‘an experienced America hand’ who is hard-working and down to earth. Manila appears to be looking for ways to recalibrate between asserting territorial claims and maintaining vital bilateral ties with China,” Yang wrote on X.

International law firm Harris Sliwoski added that Jing was a fixture in US-China trade negotiations under the Trump administration.

“He was well-spoken, humorous, and open, but he was also unapologetic about China’s position,” the firm said.

This is not just a mere accolade. Even as a Brooking’s fellow, he manifested his mastery of China’s foreign policy and understanding of American strengths and weaknesses, and the opportunities and threats of US international politics.

In a discussion on Perceptions of U.S. Foreign Policy in East Asia at the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies in Washington DC on June 22, 2005, Jing stood his ground with contemporaries from Japan, South Korea, Hongkong and even Taiwan.

When asked by the moderator, Senior Fellow Richard Bush the question “What about U.S. foreign policy would you give high marks and what about U.S. foreign policy would you give failing marks?”

Jing gave a surgical answer “When I come here, I always hear so many different voices about U.S. foreign policy from the White House, from Congress, from think tanks, the media, and public opinion. (In foreign policy) Liberals tend to be more optimistic about the prospects of international organizations and international law, while conservatives tend to view the world in terms of the balance of power.

“Because of the different approaches, the United States and its foreign policy community are always split on some issues. While conflicting opinions prevail, consensus may not be reached, and consequently decisions may be delayed. This may result in incoherent policy undermining the government’s credibility in the eyes of its public and the allies, and result in confusion.”

Two sides of a token

Japanese Mike Mizakawa followed up from the floor: “You said there is a difference in approach between conservatives and liberals, but I think there is a commonality is most Americans, especially inside the Beltway who believe that (a) ends justify means;(b) might is right; and (c) victors write history. So, in most of the cases they come to one single voice like when Congress supported the resolution for the U.S. President to unilaterally attack Iraq:

Jing offered a “yes-but” clarification: “I agree with you. Just now I meant this as the positive aspect of U.S. policymaking, because the token has two sides. The first aspect is positive because they interact, compete, or conflict with each other, but they also adjust to each other’s position, try to work out a mutual, acceptable or unified approach which can better serve the U.S. national interest.

“The negative aspect is when those controversies, those conflicting viewpoints prevail, especially when there is no very high time pressure, then this might result in incoherence of policy toward some issue such as the North Korea nuclear issue, and it may create some deadlock, stalemate on the issue.”

The moderator pushed deeper, “What are the good points about your country’s relations with the United States, and what are the bad points?

Jing went straight to points, “I have three points on the U.S.-China relationship. First, we’re going to say that on both sides the highest paramount leader attaches much importance to the bilateral relations. The military exchanges are warming up. The People’s Congress of China has formally established the exchange mechanisms with both the U.S. Senate and the House. And trade and economic ties are very close, despite some disputes.

Second, during last year’s presidential election campaign, U.S.-China policy, for the first time, was not a target for hot debate for the first time since the end of the Cold War. It shows that U.S.-China relations have become more and more mature than before, and the Republican and Democratic parties have reached a sort of consensus on how to manage the relations with China.

Of course, the approach of the United States toward China is always containment plus engagement, but engagement nowadays already has become a type of consensus, that a prosperous, strong China is also in the interest of the United States.

“Thirdly all facts since the end of the Cold War show that our converging interests of China and United States have increased rather than decreased, and the areas of their cooperation have expanded rather than reduced (towards) maintaining the peace and stability in the region; trade and the tangible economic interests; (and) fighting against terrorism, (nuclear) nonproliferation, and disease.

On the points of divergence, Jing explained “The two countries have different social systems. We have different perceptions on human rights, religion, and, the Hong Kong issue. People in United States say – we have to base our foreign policy on our values. Well, China has its own agenda of the legal construction and democratization, (with) stability and development as the first and foremost for China’s development. and the United States should not interfere with China’s internal affairs.

“The two countries also still have a deep mutual suspicion towards each other. In the United States, some people are still very suspicious of China’s military modernization and the real strategic intention, especially in view of China’s rise. In China also some people doubt whether the United States tries to contain China’s development, whether the United States will let China enjoy the opportunity to concentrate on economic construction.”

Soft vs hard power

Here are some more snippets by Jing from the discussion on the matter of soft and hard power:

“There is a consensus that United States’ soft power is declining, and U.S. hard power is increasing; the hardline conservative approach in U.S. foreign policy is dominating the foreign policymaking. But what I believe is that the United States should attach more and more importance to its soft power.

“Some people in United States consider China’s rise as China is eating a free lunch from the United States in Asia, and is trying to squeeze the United States out of Asia. I don’t think China has that intention. We try to exist and cooperate. Our intention is not to squeeze, not get the United States out of Asia, but try to coordinate with the United States.”

On the matter of Korean reunification, Jing gave a straight-forward reply, “China hopes that North Korea will follow China’s path of economic reform and opening to the outside world. China is willing to support the eventual integration or reunification between North and South because China has the same problem. We understand the feeling of Korean people. (The United States has) to offer some sincerity with North Korea. Treat North Korea as a normal sovereign country. You have to respect your enemy and leave your enemy a face-saving way.”

And finally, Jing established his firmness on China’s bottom line on the issue of Taiwan reunification even in front of his Taiwanese counterpart: “This question is always the most important and sensitive issue for China. It’s not simply an issue of sovereignty, it’s related to history, to humiliation, to China’s reputation. So, we cannot compromise on this issue. We cannot afford the possibility of permanent loss of Taiwan.

“But on the other hand, we have already clearly reiterated many times that we will try our best with utmost sincerity to achieve a peaceful and mutually acceptable solution of the Taiwan issue. But, you know, if someone insists that Taiwan move toward independence, we have to stop that trend.”

Strategic assignment

Ambassador Jing Quan presented his credentials to Philippine President Marcos Jr. and met with Foreign Affairs Secretary Lazaro to discuss trade, maritime issues, and people-to-people exchanges. 

In his presentation speech, Ambassador Jing Quan said that a sound and stable China-Philippines relationship is a necessity for the common development of China and the Philippines, and a boon for the prosperity and progress of the region. China hopes that the Philippines, for the benefit of its own fundamental and long-term interests, works with China in the same direction, adheres to the right strategic course for China-Philippines relations, and brings the relationship back onto the track of sound and steady development at an early date.

President Marcos welcomed Ambassador Jing Quan’s assumption of duty, and said in his acceptance message that China is one of the Philippines’ most important friends and partners in the world.

“I’m sure that there will be many opportunities for us to make the relationship between our two countries stronger, deeper and more important as the years go by. ”“I look forward to working with you in managing the differences and intensifying the cooperation between our two countries. Our differences should be the exception in our ties rather than the norm.”

But barely had he sat on his desk, Jing experience the din of the Philippine government’s forked tongue.

A coordinated intrusion by armed Philippine operatives posing fishermen into Sabina Shoal, a contested low-tide elevation (LTE) in the Spratly Island, was discovered by the Chinese Coast Guard to be under the auspices of the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, in cahoots with the Philippine Coast Guard serving as security.

The fact that fifteen fishing boats with an average of 20 persons per boat, were deployed proves that the operation was pre-planned, well-funded and well-coordinated government activity in an area where no existing fishing protocol exists. The ensuing water cannoning consequence injured three Filipino “fishermen”.

The incident was not isolated; the timing suspicious.

It happened just after the United States came out with its National Security Strategy that virtually delegates to Japan the destabilization of East Asia, triangulating the Philippines with Taiwan,

Sanae Takaichi, Japan’s prime minister, had earlier announced her own version of the Monroe Doctrine, suggesting she would consider that any attack on Taiwan as an attack on Japanese territory.

This met an unequivocal sanction from China, cancelling at least 500,000 tourist arrivals bound for Tokyo and seafood exports that weighed heavily on 37 out of 47 prefectures.

And when the Peoples Liberation Army staged exercises in the international waters of the Northeast Sea, Japan’s military sent a squadron of F-15Js to shadow the Liaoning aircraft carrier group. This led to a confrontation with Chinese J-15 fighter jets, one of which radar-illuminated  and locked missiles in its crosshairs against a Japanese aircraft for about 30 minutes.

I have two materials on this published in the Asian Century Journal, for your further guidance.

• https://asiancenturyph.com/2025/12/16/bfar-dipstick-in-ghost-sabina-territory-hurts-3-fishermen/
• https://asiancenturyph.com/2025/12/18/teodoro-joins-japans-humiliation-over-china-radar-spat/

To be continued

   

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