By Adolfo Quizon Paglinawan

 

Part 10: An old order gives way to a new one, reshaping local politics 

It is only now that I am beginning to understand why the gods resurrected another Marcos in our midst, to once again misrule, breach public trust and irreparably damage the nation.

Jose Rizal once said “the tyranny of some is only possible through the cowardice and negligence on the part of others.”

Heavens want the Filipino people to rise from their ignorance and colonial mentality, so they, and not some savior, redeem themselves from the perditious cycle of poverty and abuse.

Most of our people do not vote for leaders by reason or platform; they do so by playing favorites based on ethnicity and regionalism, spectacle of show business or sheer popularity, informal alliances, even bribes.

          If the people do not put themselves first, the ruling class will always put them last, as what they are now experiencing under President Ferdinand Romualdez Marcos Jr.

Zaldy’s asylum

I had the eureka moment reading international law experts Melissa Loja and Romel Bagares’ opinion-editorial (op-ed) in the Philippines Daily Inquirer, entitled “Still Nowhere to Run!”

I took liberty  to reprint their magnum opus, in full.

“President Marcos reportedly summoned the French ambassador amid news that Zaldy Co has sought asylum in France. If the discussion strayed into the merits of an asylum claim, it edges into interference.

“Asylum is a sovereign, domestic process. It is not a bilateral negotiation, nor a diplomatic bargaining chip. States may exchange views, but they do not co-adjudicate protection claims over coffee in an embassy.

“More plausibly, the administration is signaling resolve while casting a wide net for Co across Europe, in the wake of earlier information officials have disclosed—now clearly mistaken—that the former legislator holds a Portuguese passport, making him difficult to reach.

“Optics aside, there remains a lawful pathway to secure his return, even with an asylum application pending. That pathway begins not with politics, but with law. Asylum proceedings are confidential.

“Unlike arrest or detention, there is no automatic consular notification under the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. Manila may not even be formally informed of the filing. Jurisdiction, if the claim proceeds, will likely be allocated to France under the Dublin Regulation, which assigns responsibility to the first country of entry or one with relevant family links.

“This is an allocation regime, not a menu. Substantively, the claim confronts an exclusion filter.

“The charges against Co arise from corruption. Under Article 44 of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC)—to which both the Philippines and France are parties—such offenses are expressly nonpolitical.

“The UNCAC goes further, framing corruption as a serious breach of UN principles and policies. That matters. It situates the case squarely within the category of legitimate prosecution, not persecution.

“From there, the classic refugee grounds offer little traction. There is no credible showing that Co is targeted on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion—the standard grounds for a proper asylum application. Instead, he, along with several other top government officials, is facing charges in court because of alleged criminally corrupt conduct.

“The distinction is not semantic. It is the hinge on which refugee status turns. On these facts, recognition as a refugee is improbable.

“The fallback is subsidiary protection anchored on non-refoulement, as reflected in the Refugee Convention and the European human rights framework. The principle simply means the right of an asylum seeker not to be sent back to one’s state of origin on a well-grounded fear of physical harm.

“The threshold here is different but still exacting: a real, individualized risk of torture or execution upon return. Co’s public statements and purported threats may be invoked, but they are not self-proving. Assertions of fear, even dramatic ones, do not substitute for evidence.

“Certainty requires a nexus between threat and source. That is where the claim strains.

“If Co seeks to ground risk on alleged exposure of high-level wrongdoing, he must demonstrate that exposure in a form that carries legal weight: a sworn, apostilled statement, supported by documentary and object evidence, and lodged before competent bodies such as the Sandiganbayan, the Office of the Ombudsman, or the Senate’s blue ribbon committee.

“Without formal testimony against Mr. Marcos and former Speaker Martin Romualdez—the big names that he claimed are the real masterminds behind the flood control scandal—there is no credible evidence of a source of threat to his life and limb.

“Without that step, the claim collapses into a generalized fear of prosecution, which does not meet the non-refoulement threshold. In short, the characterization of Co as a whistleblower is very much contestable.

“This is precisely where the Philippine government can act, without trespassing on the adjudicative space of the asylum state.

“Through diplomatic channels, it can furnish documentation demonstrating a consistent pattern: individuals implicated in comparable cases are prosecuted and detained, not assassinated.

“It can also establish that Co does not qualify as a whistleblower in any legally cognizable sense, having failed to submit sworn testimony identifying alleged masterminds.

“If presented coherently and backed by records, such submissions undercut both limbs of the protection claim: they reaffirm the nonpolitical character of the charges under UNCAC and weaken any assertion of a real risk of serious harm.

“The consequence is not immediate surrender, but it narrows the space for delay.

“Asylum can certainly buy time. And Co knows it. But he cannot count on asylum to erase accountability. The governing framework—from Dublin allocation to the nonpolitical status of corruption and the strict evidentiary demands of non-refoulement—leaves little room for maneuver.

“The Philippine government must forthwith seize the initiative. For all the movement across borders and headlines, the legal map still points in one direction.” (End of article.)

The conspiratorial side of my brain started working.

My instinctive response was – the experts in their commentary were of course assuming that the Marcos couple wants Zaldy Co repatriated for trial.

The recent rage of Martin Romualdez shows that without the former House chair of appropriations fingering the Executive branch actors, he is being booked by Remulla et al as the mastermind, with the president as victim.

Co is the only witness that connects directly with Finance Sec Ben Diokno, Budget Sec Amenah Pangandaman, Works Sec Manuel Bonoan, their under and assistant secretaries, plus Orly Guteza and the 18 Marines. Even deliveries at Aguado st does not necessarily compute to be deliveries to Malacañang because that house and lot belong to Martin.

Without Zaldy, Malacanang is digging Tambaloslos grave by inputing that he took advantage of his blood relations with the President to perfect this crime of the century, in what is all a ”Save the King” gambit!

Did it occur to you that Marcos Jr, or Liza specifically, wants Zaldy Co located and taken by PH government goons, to be disposed the way Marcos Sr took care of Primitivo Mijares?”

Bending the law

I did not improvise on my allusion to Mijares. The first lady has exhibited her agility at power-tripping and manipulating even our foreign consulates.

The University of the Philippines Alumni Community reprinted a May 11, 2025 post by Cher Pauline Cruz, with this disclaimer:

“Note: The information presented is based on available social media content and reports. Due to the sensitive nature of the allegations and the lack of official statements, details may be subject to change as more information becomes available.

“Child Custody Dispute Involving First Lady Liza Araneta-Marcos and Francis Lloyd Chua

“The situation involving First Lady Liza Araneta-Marcos, businessman Francis Lloyd Chua, and Maria Lourdes Barcelon (wife of former Foreign Affairs Secretary Teodoro “Teddy Boy” Locsin Jr.) centers on a contentious child custody dispute that escalated into international controversy.

“Background

“Francis Lloyd Chua, a Filipino businessman, was previously in a relationship with Sheena Zobel, with whom he has two sons.

“Following their separation, a custody battle ensued. In early 2025, allegations surfaced that Chua, with assistance from influential individuals, orchestrated the removal of the children from their mother while they were in Istanbul, Turkey.

“Allegations and Involvement

• “Liza Araneta-Marcos: Social media posts and videos have accused the First Lady of facilitating or endorsing the extraction of the children from Turkey. These claims suggest her involvement in leveraging diplomatic channels to aid Chua.
• “Maria Lourdes Barcelon (Louie Locsin): As the wife of a former DFA Secretary, she is alleged to have used her connections to assist in the operation. A video message directed at her by an individual named “Lizakidnaffer Marcos” implies her participation in the incident.
• “Francis Lloyd Chua: Central to the dispute, Chua is accused of orchestrating the children’s removal from their mother, potentially violating international custody agreements.

Public Reaction and Legal Implications

“The incident has sparked widespread debate on social media platforms, with many expressing concerns over the alleged misuse of power and influence. Videos and posts have circulated, calling for accountability and legal action against those involved.

“As of now, there is no official statement from the Philippine government or confirmation of legal proceedings related to these allegations. The situation remains fluid, with calls for thorough investigation and transparency.”

Mijares and his son

Primitivo “Tibo” Mijares was a key media aide and propagandist for Ferdinand Marcos Sr. who defected from the regime and became a pivotal whistleblower, documenting the corruption and abuses of the martial law era. His 1976 book, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, is considered one of the most significant exposes of the period.

• Defection and Bribery: Mijares fled to the United States on October 23, 1974, disillusioned by the regime. In June 1975, before testifying before a U.S. House subcommittee on bribery and fraud, Marcos allegedly tried to bribe him with USD 50,000 to USD 100,000 not to testify.
• The Conjugal Dictatorship Book: Published in 1976, the book detailed the inner workings of the regime, the excessive lifestyle of the Marcoses, and corruption, specifically alleging that Imelda Marcos accumulated over USD 100 million for the 1974 Miss Universe pageant.

• Last Sighting. Mijares was last seen in January 1977, boarding a flight from Guam to the Philippines with General Fabian Ver and a nephew of Querubin Makalintal.
• Murder of His Son: His 16-year-old son, Luis Manuel “Boyet” Mijares, was also kidnapped later that year, brutally tortured, and killed.

His work and disappearance, and the murder of his son,  remain a central point of discussion during commemorations of the EDSA People Power Revolution and a significant template of the human rights violations during the martial law period under Marcos.

Mijares made his final phone call to his family on January 23, 1977.

Later attempts at finding him failed as no more traces surfaced. Gigi Grande of ABS-CBN wrote that urban legends claim that Mijares was forced off alive from a flying chopper midway through Guam and the Philippines.

But Mijares’ family has denied such claim, hoping against hope he might just reappear soon.  

Conclusion

The former speaker’s goose is cooked if Zaldy Co disappears.

Note the imperative of Loja and Bagares: “If Co seeks to ground risk on alleged exposure of high-level wrongdoing, he must demonstrate that exposure in a form that carries legal weight – a sworn, apostilled statement, supported by documentary and object evidence, and lodged before competent bodies such as the Sandiganbayan, the Office of the Ombudsman, or the Senate’s blue-ribbon committee.”

That is of course, assuming Zaldy would still reconcile with Martin and fashion his ultimate testimony to pin down the President as most guilty.

Isn’t that what Romualdez meant when he said, “I will not go down alone.”

This will of course not exonerate Tambaloslos, as creating the national budget is a collaboration between the executive and legislative branches.

But it might fetch him a lighter sentence than his cousin, who is the chief executive of the flood control plunder.

Read: https://asiancenturyph.com/2025/09/09/revolving-door-cabinet-recycles-incompetence-corruption/

September 9, 2025

   

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