by Daniel Long

 

“While VP Sara is in power, the threat of a full-blown Duterte comeback is still a very real and present danger. For one, they are supported by a major superpower – China,” Senator Risa Hontiveros said this in a solidarity speech at the 9th National Congress of Akbayan on August 1, 2024.

To me, that statement reveals the real motive behind the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte. Those law-bending hypocrites and political mercenaries who want her impeached should stop invoking the taumbayan’s (people) name in vain. Their attempt to disenfranchise the 32 million Filipinos, the highest vote total in Philippine history, who voted for Sara in 2022 is driven purely by personal and political self-interest. The impeachment of VP Sara Duterte appears to be driven not by a desire for accountability and really by the electoral ambitions of certain politicians. As I see it, the complaints against her lack ultimate factual basis.

Impeachment is a constitutional mechanism for accountability, but in this case, it has become a weapon. Sara poses a direct threat to their presidential aspirations in 2028. After all, the penalty for an impeachment conviction is not only removal from office but also perpetual disqualification from holding any government position.

Even if she is innocent or is eventually vindicated at trial, they still want to eliminate her from the 2028 presidential race by any means necessary, with truth cast aside.

THE MASTERMINDS WANT SARA IMPEACHED

On September 4, 2024, nearly a year before the flood control scam was fully exposed to the public, Vice President Sara Duterte said in an interview that the national budget was controlled and manipulated by only two individuals – former House Speaker Martin Romualdez and former House Appropriations Chair Zaldy Co. “Ang budget ng Pilipinas ay hawak lang ng dalawang tao. Hawak lang siya ni Cong. Zaldy Co at ni Cong. Martin Romualdez. Yan ang katotohanan,” she said in that interview.

The Sandiganbayan issued an arrest warrant for the now-fugitive Zaldy Co in November 2025, while the Office of the Ombudsman is reportedly preparing to file plunder charges next month, in May, against Martin Romualdez.

VP Sara has never been a proponent of flood control projects. No contractor has identified her as having received kickbacks or benefited from ghost projects. She made no budgetary insertions, and, finally, she did not sign the so-called “most corrupt” 2025 national budget – President Marcos Jr. did.

As Navotas Representative Toby Tiangco recently said, many pro-impeachment congressmen want Sara impeached because they believe she cannot be made to compromise with them if she becomes President — “1 million percent hindi maaareglo.”

Members of the House of Representatives have continued to claim that the taumbayan wants Vice President Sara Duterte impeached.

However, the same WR Numero survey, which polled 1,455 adults nationwide from March 10 to 17, suggests otherwise. On the issue of impeachment, a majority of Filipinos, 53 percent, said they disapprove of the impeachment complaints. When asked what should guide lawmakers in deciding on impeachment, 42 percent of Filipinos said congressmen should follow public opinion.

WR Numero’s March 2026 performance-by-generation chart shows that Gen Z and Millennials – who are now between 18 and 44 years old and will make up the majority of the voting population in 2028 – view President Bongbong Marcos unfavorably while remaining favorable toward Vice President Sara Duterte. For President Marcos, only 14 percent of Gen Z respondents rated him as mahusay, while 59 percent rated him hindi mahusay. Among Millennials, 28 percent rated him mahusay, while 52 percent rated him hindi mahusay.

In contrast, Vice President Sara Duterte performed much better among these same groups. Among Gen Z respondents, 49 percent said she was mahusay, while only 18 percent said she was hindi mahusay. Among Millennials, 46 percent rated her mahusay, while 22 percent rated her hindi mahusay.

THE POLLUTED WITNESS

On April 14, Ramil Madriaga testified for the first time before the House of Representatives’ Committee on Justice during the panel’s so-called “probable cause hearing” on the impeachment complaint against Vice President Sara Duterte. He broke down in tears during the hearing. Madriaga claims to be a former close aide and bagman of VP Sara. He is currently being held at the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology’s custodial facility in Camp Bagong Diwa.

During a previous impeachment hearing last month, former San Sebastian College of Law dean and Cagayan de Oro Representative Rufus Rodriguez described Ramil Madriaga as a “polluted source” because he is facing charges of kidnapping with murder.

I, too, question his credibility and the reliability of the claims contained in his affidavit and supplemental affidavit. On July 14, 2023, the PNP Anti-Kidnapping Group reported that it had successfully dismantled and arrested all members of the notorious Madriaga Kidnap-for-Ransom Group. The PNP-AKG specifically identified the group’s leader, Ramil Lagonoy Madriaga, as one of its Top 5 Most Wanted Persons in the Philippines.

According to authorities, the Madriaga Kidnap-for-Ransom Group is one of the most dangerous criminal syndicates in recent years and is known for its involvement in the kidnapping of two Filipino-Chinese. The group was also linked to the death of a respected AntiKidnapping Group officer, Patrolman Joshua Lingayo, during a confrontation in June 2022. During this period, Madriaga was never identified as an aide to or employee of VP Sara.

THE BAR FLUNKER THROWS STONES

First, Madriaga, a bar flunker, claimed that VP Sara “was not particularly good in school, often struggled academically, and was habitually rude and violent toward other students.” He also alleged that Sara’s former professor at the San Sebastian College of Law, Atty. Ryan Quilala, used his influence at SSC-Law to ensure that she received passing grades despite her poor academic performance.

The dean of SSC-Law, Atty. Ted Pastrana, strongly denied Madriaga’s claims. He stressed that grades are based strictly on merit and that no special privileges are granted, even to students from prominent families. He also rejected the allegation that faculty influence helped Duterte pass, calling such accusations an insult to the school and to the legal profession. Pastrana further noted that  VP Sara was even issued a certificate of good moral character, which is a prerequisite for taking the bar examination.

VP Sara herself issued a statement the following day, saying that she graduated from SSC-L Law in May 2005 and took the Bar Examination in September of the same year. She noted that this was “something that had not been done before at SSC-R College of Law” until her time. Based on publicly available records, Sara passed the Bar on her first attempt with a general weighted average of 80, five points above the minimum passing mark.

In the 2005 Bar Examination, the passing rate was 27.22 percent. Out of more than 5,000 examinees, only 1,526 passed. She also completed the Pre-Judicature Program, a mandatory course for lawyers aspiring to become judges in the Philippines. Objectively speaking, Sara’s academic achievement is nothing short of impressive.

SPECIAL DELULU OFFICER

Second, Madriaga claimed that, upon VP Sara’s instruction, he delivered P125 million in confidential funds (CF) in duffle bags to three locations within 24 hours, and that news reports stating the funds were liquidated over 11 days were false.

However, during the same impeachment hearing, the Commission on Audit (COA), represented by Atty. Gloria Camora, team leader of COA’s Intelligence and Confidential Funds Audit Unit (ICFAU), stated that the Office of the Vice President (OVP) had in fact liquidated its confidential funds over 11 days, not within 24 hours as Madriaga claimed.

According to the COA’s Notice of Disallowance dated August 8, 2024, Ms. Gina Acosta,  not Madriaga, was identified as the Special Disbursing Officer (SDO) for the P125 million in confidential fund expenses covering the period from December 21 to 31, 2022.

Official certificates also show that Madriaga was never employed by either the Department of Education (DepEd) or the OVP.

CREDIT-GRABBING AS AN ART

Third, Madriaga presented photos during the impeachment hearing to supposedly demonstrate his close ties to Vice President Sara Duterte. Among them was a screenshot of a Zoom video conference with her, in which a painting visible in the background was one he falsely claimed to have gifted to her. He also presented a birthday name card, similar to those countless others have likewise received.

Davao-based artist Tanya Gaisano Lee, however, said she personally handed the painting to Duterte.

“I gifted this painting to VP Sara when she was mayor of Davao City in 2021. Anything stated otherwise is false. I am not a scholar. I am not from Laguna. I am from Davao. Life is HERE,” Lee said in an Instagram story.

In August 2021, then-Mayor Sara also publicly posted a message of appreciation alongside a photo of the painting, crediting Ms. Lee for the artwork.

THE IMAGINARY VISIT

Fourth, Madriaga claimed that VP Sara visited him at the detention facility in Taguig City in October 2025 and that he even had the opportunity to speak with her by phone. He said he saw VP Sara smiling and waving at him through the metal railings along the walkway.

However, President Marcos Jr.’s own DILG Secretary, Jonvic Remulla, had already clarified in December 2025 that VP Sara had actually visited Congressman Teves in the BJMP, not Madriaga.

INSECURITY AT ITS MOST DANGEROUS

Finally, Madriaga claimed that VP Sara had tasked him with forming the Vice Presidential Security and Protection Group (VPSPG). He even alleged that he worked with Colonel Dennis Nolasco and Colonel Raymund Lachica in delivering large sums of money upon VP Sara’s instructions.

However, MGen. Jose Niembra, PSG Deputy Commander and Commander from 2016 to 2020; BGen. Randolph Cabangbang, PSG Chief of Staff and Commander from 2019 to 2022; Col. Raymund Dante Lachica, VPSPG Commander from 2022 to 2025; and Lt. Col. Dennis Nolasco, who served with the PSG from 2016 to 2022 and as VPSPG Deputy Commander from 2022 to 2025, all executed affidavits this year stating that Madriaga was never part of the PSG or the VPSPG in any capacity.

Official certifications further show that the VPSPG was established through a formal military initiative approved by then-Department of National Defense (DND) Secretary Delfin Lorenzana, with no involvement from outsiders like Madriaga, who held no official military rank or position and was never employed by or connected to the Presidential Security Command, the Presidential Security Group (PSG), or the AFP Security and Protection Group, formerly known as the VPSPG.

ON THE INTELLIGENCE AND CONFIDENTIAL FUNDS OF THE OVP:

The minority view, held largely by the political opposition, is that Vice President Sara Duterte was corrupt for using ₱125 million in confidential funds within just 11 days. They regard such use as abnormal, consider the short timeframe illegal, and believe that she personally pocketed the money.

The truth is that national government agencies (NGAs), including civilian offices such as the Office of the Vice President (OVP) and the Department of Education (DepEd), are legally allowed to maintain confidential funds. The OVP, in fact, has not requested confidential funds since 2023.

Confidential funds are called “confidential” for a reason. Under COA Joint Circular No. 2015-01, which provides guidelines on the use of confidential and intelligence funds, the submission of standard receipts is not required, and the law does not prescribe a specific timeline for their utilization. There is no prohibition against using them within a short period.

Confidential funds are necessary for intelligence work, including the payment of informants, the gathering of information, and the protection of operational security. Public disclosure of specific expenditures could compromise ongoing operations and place individuals, as well as their loved ones, at risk.

Under the law, the COA alone is the proper forum for reviewing the use of confidential funds. As an independent constitutional body, it has sole jurisdiction over the audit of public funds. Members of Congress are not auditors, and their mandate does not extend to conducting audits.

Additionally, the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act prohibits the public disclosure of certain sensitive information. This is why VP Sara has chosen not to disclose details of confidential fund utilization during public hearings. It is a matter of national security, not an attempt to evade accountability or transparency.

In 2023, the Office of the President (OP) was the largest spender of confidential funds, with ₱2 billion, compared with Sara Duterte’s ₱370 million, according to the COA.

In the proposed 2025 national budget, the Marcos administration requested ₱10 billion in confidential and intelligence funds, while the OVP requested none.

Other agencies, including the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA), the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG), the Department of National Defense (DND), and the Department of Justice (DOJ), also manage hundreds of millions of pesos in confidential funds.

VP Sara requested confidential funds (CF) in August 2022 for the safe, secure, and effective implementation of her office’s programs, including the establishment of OVP satellite offices.

However, it was only on December 13, 2022, that the Office of the President (OP), with the endorsement of the Department of Budget and Management (DBM), authorized the transfer of the confidential funds.

The OVP began utilizing the funds on December 20, 2022. Under the law, public funds must be obligated within the fiscal year. With only 11 days remaining before December 31, the ₱125 million had to be utilized within that period in order to comply with budgetary rules.

ON THE NOTICE OF DISALLOWANCE FOR OVP’S CONFIDENTIAL FUNDS:

During the House COJ’s impeachment hearing on April 14, Atty. Gloria Camora, team leader of the COA’s Intelligence and Confidential Funds Audit Unit (ICFAU), said that the commission had denied Vice President Sara Duterte’s appeal of the Notice of Disallowance (ND) four days earlier, on April 10, and had ordered the restitution of ₱73 million in public funds. This amount forms part of the OVP’s ₱125 million in confidential funds for the fourth quarter of 2022. She added that the COA had also issued a Notice of Disallowance covering ₱375 million in confidential funds for the first to third quarters of 2023. A member of the House COJ believes that the COA’s ND on the Vice President’s confidential funds is sufficient to establish probable cause for impeachment, although it would still be premature to conclude that at this time.

Previously, Atty. Camora testified under oath in multiple hearings that the OVP’s use of confidential funds was consistent with applicable rules and that documentary evidence covering 132 locations had been submitted as part of its liquidation report.

Under Sara Duterte, the OVP received three consecutive unqualified (unmodified) opinions from the Commission on Audit in 2022, 2023, and 2024 – the highest audit rating a government agency can receive, commonly referred to as a clean audit opinion. This means that the agency’s financial statements, taken as a whole, were free from material misstatement.

During Sara Duterte’s two years as Secretary of the Department of Education (DepEd), the agency likewise received unmodified opinions from the Commission on Audit for two consecutive years, 2022 and 2023 – also a historic first.  

DepEd was also regarded as the top-performing and most trusted government agency, with an 82% trust rating during her tenure.

The OVP under Sara Duterte also passed the ISO 9001:2015 surveillance audit in 2022, 2023, 2024, and 2025. ISO 9001 certification means that an organization adheres to international standards for Quality Management Systems (QMS), helping ensure consistent service quality and improved efficiency.

To set the record straight, a Notice of Disallowance (ND) issued by the COA is not, by itself, a finding of corruption, although it does indicate that public funds may have been spent in an irregular, unnecessary, excessive, or extravagant manner. It is part of the audit process and typically calls for additional documentation or clarification. An ND carries administrative consequences, including restitution, which may be satisfied through the return of disallowed funds, rather than criminal penalties. By itself, it does not establish criminal liability.

It is also important to note that the NDs issued by the COA covering the OVP’s ₱73 million in confidential funds for the fourth quarter of 2022 are not yet final, and the OVP has 180 days to elevate the matter to the Commission Proper. Meanwhile, the NDs covering ₱375 million in confidential funds for the first to third quarters of 2023 remain under appeal and are likewise not final. Even if the COA were to affirm the ND with finality, the OVP could still challenge it before the Supreme Court on the ground of grave abuse of discretion.

The COA has not referred any case involving the Vice President to the Ombudsman, the independent body tasked with investigating and prosecuting corruption cases.

Many government agencies also receive Notices of Disallowance (NDs). For example, according to the 2024 COA report, the Office of the President (OP), headed by President Marcos Jr., has accumulated NDs amounting to ₱494.8 million. In fact, former President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III’s 2012 Final Notice of Disallowance involving the Presidential Social Fund, amounting to ₱439.37 million, remained under appeal as of 2024.

Furthermore, the Department of Agriculture (DA) has nearly ₱8 billion in Notices of Suspension and Disallowance. The Commission on Higher Education (CHED) has nearly ₱1 billion in unsettled Notices of Suspension and Disallowance. The Department of Health (DOH) has nearly ₱9.5 billion in Notices of Suspension and Disallowance, as well as ₱34 million worth of expired medicines and supplies. PhilHealth, meanwhile, has a Notice of Disallowance amounting to ₱7.563 billion.

ON MARY GRACE PIATTOS:

During the House COJ’s impeachment hearing on April 14, Marizza Grande, assistant national statistician of the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA), said the agency had found no birth, marriage, or death records for confidential fund recipient “Mary Grace Piattos.”

Atty. Gloria Camora, team leader of the Commission on Audit’s Intelligence and Confidential Funds Audit Unit (ICFAU), had clarified during a previous hearing that the widely sensationalized name of the recipient was actually “Piatty,” not “Piattos.”

This should not be surprising. Aliases or codenames are not expected to appear in PSA records because they do not correspond to a person’s legal identity. Their use is standard practice in agencies that handle confidential funds, as they help protect informants and operatives engaged in sensitive work.

As Secretary of the Department of Education, VP Sara Duterte used confidential funds to address threats such as NPA recruitment in public schools and universities, drug use among personnel and students, as well as sexual predators targeting students.

These funds were intended to help protect 7 million elementary and high school students, along with more than 1 million Department of Education employees, the largest workforce in government, from communist-NPA recruitment and related threats.

As Mayor of Davao City, Sara launched the Peace 911 Initiative, which brought essential government services and infrastructure,  including schools, roads, bridges, and health centers, to far-flung, NPA-affected areas such as Paquibato District.  

Within nine months, Paquibato was declared insurgency-free by the military. Two years later, the district’s 13 barangays were also declared NPA-free. Billions of pesos in confidential funds were used to implement the program.

The CPP-NPA-NDF has been responsible for the deaths of approximately 50,000 Filipinos, including civilians, soldiers, and police officers – through bombings, student recruitment, the grooming of child warriors, the use of landmines, and the extortion of so-called revolutionary taxes from the poorest communities.

The confidential funds supported intelligence operations, including payments to agents using aliases such as “Mary Grace Piatty.” The use of such an alias is intended to protect the identity of individuals involved in confidential operations against terrorists, drug lords, and other criminal syndicates – enemies of both the State and the people.

These individuals may be tasked with gathering intelligence, infiltrating threats, or obtaining information on groups such as the CPP-NPA and other predators who endanger children and communities. If the true identity of “Mary Grace Piatty,” as well as the nature of the intelligence work involved, were exposed, it could compromise ongoing operations and endanger both the operative and that person’s family.

Who stands to benefit from such exposure? CPP-NPA terrorists and child predators. Who stands to lose? Students, parents, and communities that would otherwise benefit from a safer and more secure learning environment.

The dangers posed by communist insurgents are not hypothetical. The NPA has been linked to the killing of a 74-year-old grandmother in Negros after she was tagged as a spy.

In a statement issued in February 2026, National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) Executive Director Undersecretary Ernesto Torres Jr. described the killing of Leonora “Leonor” Anguit as a clear case of “spy-tagging” that led to a summary execution, a pattern he said the NPA uses to terrorize civilian communities in Negros.

ON THE SUPPOSED ASSASSINATION THREATS:

The late legend Juan Ponce Enrile placed 11th in the 1953 Bar Examinations with a rating of 91.72 percent and earned a perfect score in mercantile law. He later studied at Harvard Law School as a scholar, where he obtained a Master of Laws degree with specialized training in international tax law.

In an ambush interview on February 13, 2025, Chief Presidential Legal Counsel Juan Ponce Enrile said that no criminal charge could be filed against Vice President Sara Duterte over her supposed death threats against President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. (BBM), First Lady Liza AranetaMarcos, and House Speaker Martin Romualdez because, according to him, her statement was conditional. He believes that VP Sara committed no crime.  

With this in mind, the Articles of Impeachment alleging that VP Sara “contracted an assassin and plotted to murder or assassinate the incumbent president, the first lady, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, as publicly admitted by her in a live broadcast,” and accusing her of the “high crime of murder and conspiracy to commit murder” are, in my view, without basis.

However, during the March impeachment deliberations, Cagayan de Oro Representative Rufus Rodriguez, who graduated Magna Cum Laude in his Master of Laws studies at Columbia Law School, explained that there is a distinction between a conditional threat and a threat with a condition. He added that the former does not give rise to criminal liability.

In fact, VP Sara Duterte never used the words “assassin” or “assassination” during her controversial Zoom press conference. Her statement, “If I am killed, kill X,” was a conditional threat and referred to an impossible crime, since a person cannot commit murder beyond the grave.

Moreover, “conspiracy to commit murder” is not a recognized offense under Article 8 of the Revised Penal Code. The law penalizes only conspiracy to commit treason, rebellion or insurrection, sedition, and coup d’état, but not murder.

ON THE SO-CALLED UNEXPLAINED WEALTH:

VP Sara Duterte’s declared net worth increased by more than 1,000 percent over 17 years, rising from more than ₱7.2 million in 2007 to ₱88.5 million in her 2024 Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN). Based on her SALNs over this period, her net worth grew by 1,120.78 percent during her years in public office, from her time as vice mayor of Davao City to her current position as Vice President of the Philippines.

In her latest SALN, executed in December 2024, the Vice President declared a net worth of ₱88,512,370.22. She reported real properties worth ₱66,808,891 and personal properties amounting to ₱31,653,479.22.

Using the compound annual growth rate (CAGR) formula, (88.5 \div 7.2)^{1/17} – 1, her net worth grew at an average annual rate of about 15.6 percent. In peso terms, that translates to an average increase of roughly ₱4.78 million per year.

In fact, many people could show a similarly large percentage increase when comparing their savings in 2007 with their savings in 2025. For example, if someone had ₱5,000 in savings in 2007 and ₱100,000 today, that would already represent a 1,900 percent increase.

When allegations were raised in the past against VP Jejomar Binay, they involved specific claims of unexplained wealth, including detailed allegations of high-value properties supposedly held through dummies. These accusations were investigated by both the media and Congress, with ownership records traced and supporting visual evidence presented.

By contrast, no comparable evidence of unexplained wealth has been publicly presented in the case of Sara Duterte. It should also be noted that she is one of the partner-lawyers at Carpio & Duterte Lawyers, the law firm she established with her husband, Atty. Mans Carpio.

The House COJ has voted to subpoena records from the law firm, as well as the bank records of VP Sara.

Cagayan de Oro Rep. Rufus Rodriguez, a legal luminary, cast the lone dissenting vote and described the move as the “biggest fishing fleet expedition.” He cited the Rules of Court and the Code of Professional Responsibility as grounds for opposing the subpoena, saying it would violate attorney-client privilege.

A fishing expedition is wrong because it involves a non-specific search for incriminating information without probable cause. It is an abuse of power that invades privacy and wastes public resources in the hope of catching wrongdoing through sweeping inquiries.

ON AMLC AND SO-CALLED BANK ACCOUNTS OF SARA:

The House COJ has summoned former senator Antonio Trillanes IV and the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) to testify in next week’s impeachment proceedings against Vice President Sara Duterte.

The committee also subpoenaed Trillanes to appear at next week’s hearing and to produce documents related to VP Sara’s so-called unexplained wealth and hidden bank accounts.

I am personally opposed to this move, as this individual’s track record is questionable, in my view.  

In 2016, Trillanes filed a plunder complaint before the Ombudsman, accusing former President Rodrigo Duterte of having ₱2.4 billion in bank accounts. In 2018, however, the complaint filed by Trillanes was closed and terminated by the Ombudsman.

In 2016, Officer-in-Charge Vicente Aquino of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) and the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) said that the information on the bank accounts allegedly owned by then-candidate Rodrigo Roa Duterte, as cited by Trillanes, did not come from them.

In 2017, the AMLC again categorically denied being the source of the information regarding the supposed bank accounts of President Duterte that Trillanes cited in his plunder complaint.

Again, during a House hearing in November 2024, the AMLC denied that it was the source of Trillanes’ documents and information.

ON THE SO-CALLED BRIBERY AT DEPED:

The House COJ cited the testimony of former DepEd Undersecretary Gloria Mercado as part of the basis for impeaching VP Sara Duterte on bribery-related grounds. Mercado had previously been removed from the Department of Education for using the VP Sara’s name to solicit ₱16 million from members of the private sector, according to documents released by the Office of the Vice President (OVP).

Moreover, during the March impeachment hearings, Cagayan de Oro Representative Rufus Rodriguez, a former dean of San Sebastian College of Law, explained that VP Sara, in her capacity as DepEd Secretary, was not an impeachable officer under the Constitution and that, for that reason, the House Committee on Justice had no jurisdiction over her.

Congressman Rufus argued that the OVP and DepEd should be treated as separate and distinct offices, each with its own budget. He further clarified that any charges against her arising from her tenure as DepEd Secretary should be brought through the proper channel — the Ombudsman, and not before the House Committee on Justice or a Senate Impeachment Court, since these bodies have no jurisdiction over the matter.  

Under the Constitution and the House of Representatives’ rules on impeachment, impeachment cases may be filed only against the President, the Vice President, the Ombudsman, and members of the Supreme Court.

Congressman Rufus further argued that, since the only penalty in an impeachment case is removal from public office, pursuing grounds related to VP Sara’s tenure as DepEd Secretary would already be moot and academic, as she had already resigned and voluntarily vacated that office.

The Destined Next President

As I see it, Sara Duterte’s achievements and track record far outweigh all the impeachment noise and smear campaigns directed at her name and reputation.

As Mayor of Davao City, she left the city debt-free and free from NPA terrorism and insurgency after two years of the Peace 911 initiative. Under her leadership, Davao was ranked the fourth most competitive highly urbanized city and the eighth richest city in the country –  a remarkable feat, considering how long Mindanao has been neglected. She also kept Davao consistently ranked among the safest and cleanest cities in Southeast Asia.

For the past three years, the Office of the Vice President, under her leadership, has consistently received the highest trust, approval, and satisfaction ratings in multiple surveys.

She introduced practical and sustained social service programs that reached millions of Filipinos, especially those from marginalized sectors or the laylayan. These include Mag Negosyo Ta’Day, which provides technical training and seed capital to promote livelihood instead of dependence on ayuda; the Libreng Sakay bus program, which served 3 million passengers; the PagbaBago campaign, which planted 1 million trees; and many others.

After two years, she left the post of DepEd Secretary after overseeing systemic reforms such as a 30-day full vacation for teachers, the new decongested K to 10 MATATAG curriculum that reduced redundant subjects, the classroom decoration ban, the removal of teachers’ administrative tasks, the Telesafe hotline for reporting abuse, and more.

I do not support the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte.  

In fact, she is my choice for President in 2028. I believe that, under her administration, she will restore the Tapang at Malasakit (Courage and Compassion) brand of leadership and, through her “no mercy” policy, put an end to criminals, communists, and the corrupt.

*Graphics and image credits: Tio Moreno, former Congressman Mike Defensor, Atty. Paolo Panelo, and the Dare to Ask Facebook page.

   

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